What diplomacy fails to solve, obsolescence will.
Great line. And think of the myriad of things in this world it applies too. Hell, try to think of things it doesn't apply to...
What diplomacy fails to solve, obsolescence will.
The sensation of life was aroused in ourselves,
from the plot we digressed, knocked the books off the shelves,
then burned down the house, then met in a bar
with a motel attached and kissed all the scars
"People buy these CDs to listen to music," Abbott said. "What they don’t bargain for is the consumer invasion that is unleashed by Sony BMG."
In war, there are usually only two exit strategies: victory or defeat. The latter's easier. Just say, whoa, we're the world's pre-eminent power but we can't handle an unprecedently low level of casualties, so if you don't mind we'd just as soon get off at the next stop.
Which is more likely: a book review that says Vonnegut’s criticisms of the Bush Regime must be considered in light of the author’s support of suicide bombers, or a review that says Vonnegut has made statements lauding bombers, BUT he brings up troubling issues / confronts the hypocrisy inherent in Washington / speaks truth to power / speaks Hindu to houseplants / etc.
Although the pre-war intelligence estimates of Iraq now turn out to be inadequate in many ways, its principal defect was that it attempted to measure the wrong thing. It ought to have focused on the extent to which Iraqi Ba'athists and regional terror groups would have mounted a Lebanon or West Bank type defense; identified the key hurdles in creating a replacement Iraqi state; and specified the requirements necessary to win this campaign in an impressive and overwhelming manner in order to demonstrate to the rogue state audience what the consequences of aggression against the United States were. But this subject was verboten, and so instead intelligence spoke to the strategically irrelevant minutiae of Yellowcake and centrifuges, casting a wavering light, like the drunk searching for a lost coin in the story, not in the area where it would be found but in the only place he could shine a beam.
Lighting flashes across the sky
From East to West you do or die
Like a theif in the night
You see the world by candlelight
While I have no doubt there can be joys and victories in raising a mentally handicapped child, for me and for Mike, it's a painful journey that we believe is better not taken.Now who could be so unjust as to take issue with that? It's not that she's opposed to the raising of handicapped children, per se, it just wasn't her bag, baby. The "joys and victories" were, for her lifestyle, insufficient to set aside the pain of the "journey," or something.
Somewhere along the way these countries redefined the relationship between government and citizen into something closer to pusher and junkie. And once you’ve done that, it’s very hard to persuade the junkie to cut back his habit.
Words and guitar
I got it
Words and guitar
I like it
way way too loud
I got it
words and guitar
(can't take this away from me
music is the air I breathe)
The number of things that Bush has been blamed for in this world since 9/11 (even acts of God like Tsunamis, hurricanes and other natural disasters) is the stuff of major comedy. You name the horrible event, and he is identified as the etiologic agent.
He is blamed when he does something (anything) and he is blamed when he does nothing. He is blamed for things that ocurred even before he was President, as well as everything that has happened since. He is blamed for things he says; and for things he doesn't say.
What makes Bush Hatred completely insane however, is the almost delusional degree of unremitting certitude of Bush's evil; while simultaneously believing that the TRUE perpetrators of evil in the world are somehow good and decent human beings with the world's intersts at heart.
You can’t get information from someone who just sits there and smiles back, knowing that I won’t touch him.
If you beat this *expletive* long enough, he'll tell you he started the *expletive* Chicago fire! Now that doesn't necessarily make it *expletive* so!
"Ownership Society" is code language for "We just made it even more legal and convenient for your employer to raid your pension plan, and we’re not bailing you out. In stead we’re bailing *them* out because they overspent, and despite raiding your pension, they’re still going under."
Other observers, like the historians Theopompus and Cratippus, felt that the Peloponnesian War did not really end until 394, a thirty-eight-year war in all. In this view, hostilities actually ceased when the Spartan fleet was defeated by Athens at the sea battle at Cnidus (394). Then its expeditionary army was forced home to Sparta from Ionia to meet a new rising threat from Thebes, while the Long Walls of Athens were rebuilt, thereby ending once and for all the saga of the old fifth-century bipolar world of Athenian and Spartan hegemony.
As a Texan "anglo" (I hate that stupid term), I may not celebrate the Day of the Dead, but I sure have a lot more in common with Mexican emigres I've met, especially from Gerrero, Tamalpais, and Coahuila, than I do the typical New Yorker or Bostonian, both of whom, to judge by the newspapers, are regularly embarrassed at my state's mere existence. And the average guy in Indiana probably has an easier time understanding one of the many Mennonites in Chihuahua than he does the Chomsky-worshipping residents of Berserkely...
In fact, language is pretty much the only barrier Mexicans face to assimilation, at least when politicians aren't busy using race as a divide-and-conquer issue in LA. It certainly isn't the ranchero music, which sounds alarmingly close to something you might hear a couple of old guys playing at a Polish wedding in upstate Wisconsin. Mexicans who desire to assimilate do so almost instantly, as soon as they can speak English, because their values are so nearly identical to our own. Much closer than other groups, even those who integrate well, but steadfastly refuse any notion of assimilation. Go on, tell some cute girl from India that she should marry a white guy or a Navajo. G'wan, try it.
A reporter interviews a man standing in front of a mosque in full Islamist regalia and politely relays his complaints. Do readers know that these offended Islamists are calling for the de-Zionization of France? And the defeat of the United States of America? No offense meant there! Do readers understand that the banlieues are being shaped into a foreign and hostile nation?
The Dangling Conversation The one-sided "debate" about judges. By Dahlia Lithwick Posted Friday, Nov. 4, 2005, at 2:12 PM ETI followed the link Lithwick offers, and the word "quiet" appears precisely once, and is not attributed to any Senator by name, but does explain that the Senator in question couldn't hear Miers' statements and had to ask the people in the hall to shut up. The rest of the article quotes objections to the Miers nomination that includes words such as "gravitas," "underwhelming," "incomplete" and even "insulting." I know reporters aren't used to taking people at their word, but this seems a silly beginning to hang your screed on.
Of all the criticisms of Harriet Miers, the one I found most perplexing was that some Senators felt she spoke too quietly. Her murder boards were going badly, in part because she was a whisperer. Forgive me, but what the hell? She wasn't auditioning for the lead in Annie. She was applying for a job largely composed of reading and writing. I have heard a total of 30 words emanate from the mouth of Clarence Thomas in six years covering the court.
It occurred to me only in hindsight that there was a reason Miers' tiny voice was such an issue: Conservatives wanted to use these confirmation hearings as infomercials for their views on the proper role of judges in America. The soft-spoken Miers wouldn't have moved any product. The John Roberts hearing was, and the Sam Alito hearing will be, Justice Sunday III—the church service/call-to-arms staged by demagogues on the far right. Except these hearings are carried live on C-SPAN, broadcast nationwide, and blessed by the Senate.My God! People of a particular political philosophy desiring that their ideas be given an opportunity to persuade the people! Such perfidy cannot stand!
You think I am overstating matters? You're not reading the right op-eds. Here is Ned Rice at the National Review Online, scorning Miers as a nominee: "Let's name someone to the Supreme Court whose nomination is guaranteed to trigger a national conversation on the proper role of the judiciary—it can only help the conservative cause. Let's demand that Judge Bork be allowed to take his case against judicial activism directly to the American people."
And here is George Will: "This is the debate the country has needed for several generations: Should the Constitution be treated as so plastic, so changeable that it enables justices to reach whatever social outcomes—'results'—they, like the result-oriented senators who confirm them, consider desirable?" Here is Joe Mariani: "Taking a Mulligan—a golf term for 'undoing' a poor shot—on Harriet Miers gives President Bush an opportunity to launch a public relations offensive with his base solidly behind him. … [I]f the President nominates a strong originalist like Sam Alito, Janice Rogers Brown, Michael Luttig or Edith Hollan Jones, we can finally have that national conversation about judicial activism and tyranny the Left has been dreading for decades."I beg your pardon. No one is frothing at anything. People are eager to make an argument. We are still permitted such by the 1st Amendment, yes? It's not 60 days before a national election.
The italics are mine. But there is, it would seem, a national conversation going on, though it is a conversation in which most of us are not participating. The same devoted right-wingers who torpedoed the Miers nomination are frothing at the mouth
to explain painstakingly to the nation—yet again—their theory of judging. Liberals believe that the object of these hearings is to find out what a nominee stands for.And then, when these ideas fail to pass the litmus test that everyone pretends is not there, "torpedo"-ing the nomination. No word yet on whether they froth at the mouth.
But conservatives have long understood that the real point is a mass public-relations effort to drive home their lasting, unitary view of all liberal or even moderate judges as reckless and overreaching.I'm fairly certain that no such words were uttered during the Roberts confirmation. But then, it's hard to follow ever quote when the loyal opposition's blather renders one doubled-over with laughter or unconcious.
The net effect of the John Roberts hearings was a national four-day "civics lesson" in which the populace heard, again and again, that any approach to judging other than "modesty" and "minimalism" would result in judges making things up as they go along.Um, no. The net effect of the Roberts hearing was that Roberts became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. I'm still confused as to why Lithwick objects to politicians and judicial appointees discussing the proper approach to exercising judicial power. Aren't senatorial hearings supposed to function as "civics lessons"?
That's a page from the far right's talking points.Only the far right? No one on the moderate right? Does a "moderate right" exist in Lithwick's imagination? Or is that term only applied, as Mark Steyn noted to the less psychotic mullahs of Iran?
No competing vision emerged from the left, as far as I could tell.Say, there's a surprise.
I won't credit the efforts of the Democrats on the judiciary committee to see into John Roberts' heart, or probe whether his kids play soccer with poor immigrant children, as efforts to put forth a competing jurisprudence. Those questions were clumsy proxies for the clumsy theory that judges should just fix life for sad people.Um, isn't that what liberals want?
I am calling for something else. It's time for Senate Democrats to recognize that a) there is a national conversation about the role of judges now taking place; and that b) thanks to their weak efforts, it's not a conversation—it's a monologue.That's funny, I could swear all the monologuing was being done by Senate Democrats in the aforementioned efforts to see into Roberts' heart. The guy hardly got a word in edgeways. Who was it that was doing all this yapping about judicial restraint? I mean, besides the frothing far-right conservative ideologues slamming their torpedoes into Miers (anyone else waiting for an accusation of "ideological rape" or some such by the sob-sister crowd)?
Partisans on both sides are eagerly setting one another's hair on fire,Perhaps this explains the frothing. Or maybe they just need to froth a little higher?
deconstructing every word of every opinion Sam Alito ever penned. Trust me—my hate mail is staggering. But the substance of Alito's writings is a distraction from the main event.Observe as our intrepid guide shows us the real plan at work.
In truth, conservatives cannot wait for Round 2 of this next civics lesson, a lesson that will star Sam Alito—a charming, articulate, card-carrying conservative jurist with an evolved and plausible-sounding legal theory.If you're not frothing at the eeeeeeevil being perpetrated here, you obviously aren't reading the right op-eds. Do you see what the bastards are up to! Why, they'll stop at nothing! They'll even nominate charming, articulate men with evolved and plausible theories! Can the Republic ever survive?
It will, unless Democrats get it together, become yet another Jerry Lewis telethon,Sister, you need to make up your mind. Either the Democrats are selling maudlin and sentimental gush as deep thought, or the Republicans are. Last I looked, Barbara Boxer was not a Republican.
raising national awareness about the dangers of "judicial activism" and the plague of "the reckless overreaching of out-of-touch liberal elitist judges." Democrats in the Senate either will not or cannot put the lie to these trite formulations. They need to shout it from the rooftops: that blithely striking down acts of Congress is activism; that the right's hero Clarence Thomas may be the most activist judge on the current court; that reversing or eroding long-settled precedent is also activism; and that "legislating from the bench" happens as frequently from the right as the left.There are many words I would use to describe Clarence Thomas, but "blithe" is not one of them. And who ever said that acts of Congress couldn't be made void by the Supreme Court? That is what the Supreme Court is for. What is coming under attack by conservatives is the Court setting a particular public policy goal and man-handling the Constitution by whatever means to get there. The chief criticism of Roe vs. Wade as a decision is that it involved the federal government in an area where the federal government does not belong, and invented a Constitutional right that, if anything, was covered by the Tenth Amendment. That is what is meant by "legislating from the bench." The Supreme Court isn't there to re-write the Constitution to say what it thinks would be best for us all of us to say. It's there to guard it.
Part of this woeful unpreparedness is the result of something we've discussed before—the sinking fear on the part of some progressives that the right's criticisms are somehow legitimate.Thoughtcrime! Thoughtcrime! Thoughtcrime!
Maybe Roe was judicial overreaching; maybe there is no principled theory for what liberal jurists do.Is this sarcasm or not? I really can't tell.
Part of the left's program is that any principled theory for what liberal jurists do is complicated.That's the best way to convince people that you aren't an elitist: say that your ideas are "complicated".
There's no cheap sound bite for Justice Stephen Breyer's notion of "active liberty" or for Cass Sunstein's program of judicial "minimalism" or Jack Balkin's principled "centrism." Or perhaps there is a cheap sound bite embedded in those ideas—it simply hasn't been excavated yet.Um, wouldn't "active liberty", "judicial minimalism", or "principled centrism" be the sound bites?
The main attraction of the right wing's relentless attack on the judiciary is that its oversimplified theory of judicial restraint solves its oversimplified problem of unconstrained judges. You have to drill down a lot deeper to see that unconstrained judges are making mischief at either end of the political spectrum, and more urgently, that hogtying judges is not an end in itself. It's a means to an end—with the end, I suppose, being the packing of the courts with judges who say they believe in restraint even as they gleefully dismantle decades' worth of legislative and judicial progress.
The point here is not that Democrats must—between today and the start of the Alito hearings—pull together a well-worked-out global vision of constitutional interpretation.
They do, however, need to enter into this "national conversation" about the role of judges with a more evolved doctrine than: "Judge Alito, would you cry if your puppy died?"
In his wonderful book, Radicals in Robes: Why Extreme Right-Wing Courts Are Wrong for America, Cass Sunstein lays out four alternative theories of constitutional interpretation and concludes that judicial minimalism is the surest and most principled path. Senate Democrats should commit to memory the parade of horribles Sunstein lists as following from the fundamentalist project (he means fundamentalism not in the religious sense but in terms of rigid adherence to original intent). If the Scalias, Thomases, Alitos, and Borks of the world had their way, he says, there would be no meaningful gun control. States could have official churches. Hard-fought federal worker, environmental, and civil rights protections would disintegrate. What you currently think of as the right to privacy would disappear.
These are the questions Senate Democrats need to ask of Sam Alito: Should property rights trump individual rights? Should the right to privacy be interpreted as narrowly as the framers might have intended? Do you believe that a return to the morals and mores of two centuries ago is in the best interest of this nation?
It doesn't matter what he answers, indeed the answers are irrelevant.
By posing these questions to the American people, the senators will give them some understanding of the America that stands to be dismantled. What matters now is injecting an alternative voice into this conversation. To start talking, before the conversation passes us by altogether.
Battles are very straightforward: Side A wins, Side B loses. But the French government is way beyond anything so clarifying. Today, a fearless Muslim advance has penetrated far deeper into Europe than Abd al-Rahman. They're in Brussels, where Belgian police officers are advised not to be seen drinking coffee in public during Ramadan, and in Malmo, where Swedish ambulance drivers will not go without police escort. It's way too late to rerun the Battle of Poitiers. In the no-go suburbs, even before these current riots, 9,000 police cars had been stoned by ''French youths'' since the beginning of the year; some three dozen cars are set alight even on a quiet night. ''There's a civil war under way in Clichy-sous-Bois at the moment,'' said Michel Thooris of the gendarmes' trade union Action Police CFTC. ''We can no longer withstand this situation on our own. My colleagues neither have the equipment nor the practical or theoretical training for street fighting.
Heart and Soul
What will burn?
I refuse to call it a resolution against Syria because I’m not unfamiliar with similar moments when resolutions were being made against Saddam’s regime and it hurt when we would hear the words "against Iraq". Neither Saddam nor Assad represented their peoples and even if the UN failed to recognize this fact, this doesn’t change the fact that that such regimes are totally illegitimate and they don’t deserve the seats they occupy in the UN’s halls because they merely represent their families or the murderous cults they call political parties.
A nation can't be one of the foremost advocates for the proposition that an angry minority is justified in using violence to achieve its political desires and not expect similar angry minorities inside that nation to think, "Hmmmm..."
Steele campaign spokesman Leonardo Alcivar said state Democrats are afraid of losing the black vote to Mr. Steele.
"That has caused a great tremble throughout the Maryland Democratic Party," he said. "Of course [they are] going to condone racism. It's nothing new, and it's not surprising."
Sen. Charles E. Schumer, New York Democrat and member of the Judiciary Committee, took to the ramparts opposite Mr. Frist.
"It is sad that the president felt he had to pick a nominee likely to divide America instead of choosing a nominee in the mold of Sandra Day O'Connor, who would unify us," he said. "This controversial nominee, who would make the court less diverse and far more conservative, will get very careful scrutiny from the Senate and from the American people."